Kepemimpinan yang Terhubung

“Sudah saatnya negeri ini, dan juga Jateng, dipimpin oleh putra terbaik, karenanya dibutuhkan pemimpin sejati.”

Jokowi sudah mengawali tugasnya sebagai Gubernur DKI Jakarta, dengan blusukan ke beberapa perkampungan kumuh (SM, 17/10/12). Kendati tidak mutlak, kemenangannya dalam Pilgub DKI Jakarta dianggap sebagai babak baru kepemimpinan di Indonesia.

Dia yang low profile dan apa adanya lebih dipilih ketimbang Foke, incumbent  (petahana)  yang mendapat dukungan koalisi partai-partai.

Tulisan ini mengambil contoh sosok Jokowi tidak untuk menyanjungnya karena dia manusia biasa. Namun salah satu yang menarik dari mantan Wali Kota Solo itu adalah kemampuannya  menampilkan praktik kepemimpinan yang terhubung langsung dengan warga. Ia terbiasa turun ke bawah dan saat bertemu warga terlihat seperti tidak ada jarak pemisah.

Hal ini sulit dilakukan oleh pejabat pada umumnya. Praktik seperti ini sontak menarik perhatian. Saya kira, rakyat dengan daya kritis yang meningkat mendambakan sesuatu yang baru.

Di negara maju, seorang wali kota atau presiden sekali pun, sudah terbiasa berkomunikasi langsung dengan rakyat.

Ada contoh menarik saat keterpilihan Barack Obama dalam Pilpres AS 2008. Waktu itu saya mengikuti sebuah program pertukaran ke AS. Dalam program itu, saya beruntung bertemu Obama saat masih senator, namun sudah resmi maju mengikuti Konvensi Partai Demokrat.

Saya menghadiri acara constituent coffee yang ia gelar di kompleks Capitol Hill, Washington DC. Acara temu konstituen itu untuk mendengar langsung aspirasi warga dari dapilnya. Terlihat ia juga akrab dengan warga, mendengarkan dan memberikan jawaban yang jujur dan tulus.

Lebih kaget lagi, saat saya berkunjung ke kota kecil, Clarkdale di Mississippi. Wali Kota Henry Espy menemui kami di pinggir jalan. Sangat jauh dari kesan formal dan kaku. Ia berjalan sendiri dari kantor wali kota tanpa ajudan atau staf. Menyambut kami secara rileks. Praktik kepemimpinan yang egaliter seperti ini, saya kira yang sesuai dengan perkembangan zaman.

Dalam beberapa literatur, Kouzes dan Posner misalnya melalui penelitiannya menyatakan ada lima praktik mendasar pemimpin yang memiliki kualitas kepemimpinan unggul. Pertama; pemimpin yang menantang proses (challenging the process). Pemimpin yang menampilkan sesuatu yang berbeda: out of the box. Sosok yang menarik dan simpatik.

Kedua; sosok yang mampu memberi inspirasi dan visi bersama (inspiring a shared vision). Dengan perkembangan demokrasi, kebebasan dan pluralitas, dibutuhkan sosok pemimpin yang mampu hadir memberi visi. Pemimpin sederhana yang berkomunikasi dengan rakyat.

Ketiga; pemimpin yang mampu menggerakkan bawahan atau rakyat untuk berbuat sesuatu (enabling others to act). Kompleksitas persoalan bangsa, membutuhkan pemimpin yang mampu mendorong orang untuk berkontribusi. Mengajak rakyat untuk menjadi bagian dari solusi, bukan bagian dari masalah.

Keempat; pemimpin yang mampu menjadi teladan atau contoh dan memberikan arah jalan (modelling the way). Dalam kehidupan dewasa ini, sosok pemimpin yang sederhana misalnya mungkin sudah menjadi figur langka. Namun kesederhanaan justru dapat menjadi media efektif untuk menggerakkan potensi rakyat karena faktor kepercayaan (trust) terhadap dirinya.

Kelima; pemimpin yang selalu memberi motivasi bawahan, membesarkan hati rakyat (encouraging the heart). Tugas pemimpin memang memberikan semangat dan motivasi. Ia harus menjadi salah satu sumber inspirasi rakyat. Karenanya, pemimpin haruslah sosok yang kuat dan tepercaya.

Kita semua berkepentingan untuk melahirkan pemimpin yang ideal. Tentu tidak ada yang sempurna, namun bukan hal yang mustahil untuk mendapatkan pemimpin yang terbaik. Menurut hemat saya, poin penting dari kepemimpinan tentu bukanlah teori melainkan praktik.

Kini menjelang Pilpres 2014, beberapa kandidat telah resmi akan maju sebagai calon presiden. Para capres itu hendaknya menyiapkan diri sebagai pemimpin sejati. Dekati rakyat dengan ketulusan, bukan pencitraan.

Pelaksanaan Pilgub Jateng 2013 pun tinggal 8 bulan lagi. Siapa pun yang memutuskan menjadi cagub, hendaknya menyiapkan diri sebagai pemimpin sejati. Sekali lagi, dekati warga provinsi ini dengan ketulusan, bukan pencitraan.

Sebaliknya, rakyat, media massa, dan semua pihak harus memberi kesempatan selebar-lebarnya bagi anak bangsa untuk tampil menjadi pemimpin. Sudah saatnya negeri ini, dan juga Jateng, dipimpin oleh putra terbaik. Menghadapi tantangan masa depan yang semakin kompleks, memang dibutuhkan pemimpin sejati.

M Hariman Bahtiar
Alumnus Unpad dan Pascasarjana Pengkajian Ketahanan Nasional UI, Wakil Indonesia dalam ASEAN+3 (Jepang, China, dan Korsel) Youth Leaders Symposium di Phnom Penh Kamboja
Koran SUARA MERDEKA, 18 Oktober 2012

Obama : Saya Memiliki Darah Afrika

(L) President Barack Obama arrives to speak to the Parliament of Ghana in Accra, Ghana, Saturday, July 11, 2009. (Photo from AP Photo)
(R) U.S. President Barack Obama walks the red carpet at an arrival ceremony with Ghana's President John Atta Mills at the Presidential Castle in Accra July 11, 2009. (Photo from Reuters Pictures)

Presiden AS Barack Obama berusaha membangkitkan semangat bangsa-bangsa Afrika dengan menyebut dirinya juga memiliki darah Afrika ketika berpidato di depan para anggota parlemen Ghana, Sabtu (11/7).

"Sebagai presiden Amerika yang berdarah Afrika, saya bangga dengan benua ini. Kekuatan tirani dan korupsi harus dienyahkan jika Afrika ingin memenuhi janji. Ya, Anda bisa," kata Obama merujuk pada slogannya selama kampanye dalam kunjungan pertamanya di Afrika.

Ia pun menyerukan kepada bangsa-bangsa Afrika untuk memanfaatkan peluang demi tercapainya perdamaian, demokrasi dan kemakmuran.

"Tidak ada negara yang akan menciptakan kemakmuran jika para pemimpinnya mengeksploitasi ekonomi untuk memperkaya diri mereka sendiri, atau polisi dapat dibeli oleh penjual obat-obatan terlarang. Tidak ada pengusaha ingin berinvestasi di sebuah tempat dimana pemerintahannya meminta jatah 20 persen atau Otoritas Kepabeanannya korupsi," kata Obama yang berayahkan orang Kenya.

(U) Ghana's President John Atta Mills (L) and Speaker Joyce Bamford Addo (C) listen to US President Barack Obama (R) addressing members of the Ghanaian Parliament at the International Conference Center in Accra, Ghana, on July 11, 2009. US President Barack Obama said in a keynote speech on July 11, 2009 that Africa's leaders must battle corruption and strengthen democracy, but that it is up to Africans to decide their future in the world. (Photo from Getty Images)
(D) A child (L), wearing an Air Force One T-shirt, and another wearing a T-shirt with US President Barack Obama (R) wait for the of the US leader to pass by in Accra, Ghana, on July 11, 2009. The visit marks Obama's first to subsaharan African as president. Huge crowds lined the streets of Accra hoping to catch a glimpse of the first black US president, the son of an African immigrant, after he arrived from the Group of Eight summit in Italy. (Photo from Getty Images)

"Tidak ada orang yang ingin tinggal di sebuah masyarakat dimana hukumnya dapat disuap. Ini bukan demokrasi, itu tirani dan kini saatnya mengakhiri. Afrika tidak memerlukan orang kuat, mereka memerlukan institusi yang kuat," katanya.

Kunjungan Obama selama 21 jam di negara Afrika Barat itu dimaksudkan untuk mengkampanyekan tradisi demokrasi. Kunjungan pertamanya di Afrika itu disebut sebagai "reuni spiritual" oleh para anggota parlemen Ghana.

KOMPAS.com, 11 Juli 2009

(L) US President Barack Obama shakes hands member of parliament Elizabeth Sackey and others after addressing the parliament in Accra on July 11, 2009. Obama said in a keynote speech that Africa's leaders must battle corruption and strengthen democracy, but that it was up to Africans to decide their future in the world. The visit marks Obama's first to subsaharan African as president. Huge crowds lined the streets of Accra hoping to catch a glimpse of the first black US president, the son of an African immigrant, after he arrived from the Group of Eight summit in Italy. (Photo from Getty Images)
(R) US President Barack Obama shakes hands with Ghanian Parliament Speaker Joyce Bamford Addo before addressing the parliament in Accra on July 11, 2009. Obama said in a keynote speech that Africa's leaders must battle corruption and strengthen democracy, but that it was up to Africans to decide their future in the world. The visit marks Obama's first to subsaharan African as president. Huge crowds lined the streets of Accra hoping to catch a glimpse of the first black US president, the son of an African immigrant, after he arrived from the Group of Eight summit in Italy. (Photo from Getty Images)

President Barack Obama, right, first lady Michelle Obama and their daughters Malia and Sasha, second from right, on a tour of the Cape Coast Castle in Cape Coast, Ghana, Saturday, July 11, 2009. (Photo from AP Photo)

US President Barack Obama walks with Ghana President John Atta Mills, right, at the Presidential Palace in Accra, Ghana, Saturday, July 11, 2009. In his first visit to sub-Saharan Africa since taking office, President Barack Obama is seeking to lift up the continent of his ancestors _ while keeping its emotions in check. (Photo from AP Photo)

Africa still on back-burner for Obama

Supporters of U.S. President Barack Obama cheer during a departure ceremony at the airport in Accra, July 11, 2009. (Photo from Reuters Pictures)

"Expectations are quite high because Obama has roots here," said Wafula Okumu, a Kenyan analyst at South Africa's Institute for Security Studies in Johannesburg. "But it's unrealistic to think he's going to open the flood gates of aid or change anything overnight. In fact, we've yet to see any significant change in policy."

Obama told AllAfrica.com that he was "a big believer that Africans are responsible for Africa."

"Part of what's hampered advancement in Africa is that for many years we've made excuses about corruption or poor governance, that this was somehow the consequence of neocolonialism, or the West has been oppressive, or racism," Obama said. "I'm not a believer in excuses."

Source:
Analysis By Todd Pitman (Associated Press West Africa Bureau Chief Todd Pitman has covered the region for more than a decade)
http://www.etaiwannews.com/

President Barack Obama takes the stage as he participates in a departure ceremony at the airport in Accra, Ghana, Saturday, July 11, 2009. (Photo from AP Photo)

Barack Obama: Satu Pidato Tak Menyelesaikan Masalah

SUARANYA lantang, tapi ramah. "Halo, halo, halo," katanya seraya memasuki ruangan. Tujuh wartawan berbagai negeri yang telah menunggu di sekeliling meja bundar di sebelah aula Universitas Kairo, Mesir, itu pun berdiri menyambut, Kamis pekan lalu.

Barack Obama baru saja selesai berpidato di aula universitas. Di depan sekitar 3.000 hadirin -sebagian besar mahasiswa- Presiden Amerika Serikat itu berbicara tentang negerinya, dunia Islam, dan mustahaknya perdamaian. Ia mengutip Al-Quran dan Taurat. Sepanjang 55 menit itu hadirin memberikan lebih dari 25 aplaus, dan dua kali teriakan "I love you!"

Ia tak tampak lelah ketika memasuki ruangan wawancara. Sambil bersalaman, para wartawan mulai bertanya. "Masih bisa berbahasa Indonesia?" wartawan Shahanaaz Habib dari koran The Star, Malaysia, menyapa. Obama menjawab dalam bahasa Indonesia yang fasih, "Sudah banyak lupa."

Wartawan Tempo, Bambang Harymurti, mengajukan empat pertanyaan, termasuk tentang rencana Obama menjenguk rumahnya di Menteng Dalam, Jakarta. Juga tentang sikapnya mengenai hubungan politik dan keyakinan agama.

Obama memang bukan penganut sekularisme murni, seperti umumnya kaum liberal di Partai Demokrat. Pengalamannya bergaul di kalangan aktivis gereja membuatnya melihat peran para pastor gereja kalangan berkulit hitam (black churches), yang biasanya juga aktivis sosial, bahkan politik.

Mengenakan setelan jas hitam dan dasi biru, Presiden Obama duduk di kursi dan memulai acara dengan santai, tapi serius. "Kita kabarnya hanya punya waktu 30 menit, dan saya baru berpidato," katanya. "Jadi, sebaiknya kita mulai saja acara ini secara bergiliran." Ia segera menunjuk Wafa Amr, wartawan perempuan koran Al Quds di Palestina.

Pertanyaan demi pertanyaan meluncur, dan Presiden Obama menjawabnya dengan penuh percaya diri. Agaknya, pengalamannya sebagai pengajar membuatnya campin menjelaskan masalah pelik dengan segar, karena selalu dilampiri senda gurau.

Tak terasa 50 menit berlalu, dan wawancara harus dihentikan. "Saya sekarang ingin melihat piramida," katanya. Namun para wartawan rupanya tak ingin melepaskan Obama begitu saja. Acara foto bersama dan minta tanda tangan pun sempat berlangsung sebelum presiden yang ramah itu meninggalkan ruangan.

Berikut ini wawancara Presiden Obama dengan Tempo dan enam wartawan dari Palestina, Mesir, Israel, Malaysia, Libanon, dan Arab Saudi.

Kapan Anda berkunjung ke Indonesia?
O... saya perlu berkunjung ke Indonesia segera. Saya perkirakan pada tahun depan. Saya akan surprised kalau dalam perjalanan ke Asia nanti saya mampir ke kampung halaman lama saya, Jakarta. Pergi ke Menteng Dalam, makan bakso dan nasi goreng... (tertawa).

Saya tinggal hanya 300-an meter dari rumah Anda di Menteng Dalam....
Is that right? Tapi saya dengar sekarang jalannya sudah diaspal, ya? Dulu, sewaktu saya tinggal di sana, jalannya masih tanah, sehingga kalau turun hujan jadi lumpur dan mobil-mobil terjebak.

Apakah Anda akan datang November nanti, ketika ada pertemuan Kerja Sama Ekonomi Asia Pasifik (APEC)?
Jangan tanya saya soal detail... (tertawa).

Dalam buku The Audacity of Hope, Anda menulis soal pengalaman Anda terlibat dalam kegiatan gereja kaum kulit hitam. Apakah Anda merasa banyak kesamaan pandangan di kalangan aktivis gereja kulit hitam itu tentang hubungan agama dan politik dengan pandangan para aktivis politik Islam?
Sebagai seorang penganut Nasrani yang juga pendukung kuat demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia, dan dosen ilmu konstitusi, saya punya pandangan tentang bagaimana masyarakat pluralistik hidup bersama. Ini adalah soal yang telah banyak saya pikirkan. Apa yang saya coba komunikasikan dalam pidato saya adalah apa yang amat saya yakini, bahwa di dunia yang interdependen seperti sekarang ini, tempat berbagai keyakinan yang berbeda harus hidup bersama, kita membutuhkan keyakinan yang dewasa, yaitu yang mengatakan: saya sangat meyakini keyakinan saya, tapi saya menghormati kenyataan bahwa orang lain juga dapat amat meyakini keyakinannya yang berbeda. Jadi, jalan satu-satunya kita dapat hidup bersama adalah jika kita menyepakati satu sistem politik yang menghasilkan aturan tentang bagaimana hubungan bersama dilakukan, yaitu saya tak bisa memaksakan ketentuan agama saya berlaku pada orang lain, bahwa saya tak bisa memobilisasi pihak mayoritas untuk mendiskriminasi kalangan minoritas. Saya tak bisa mengambil aturan dalam agama saya dan menerapkannya kepada penganut agama lain.

Itu bukan berarti saya tak dapat melontarkan argumen berdasarkan keyakinan saya. Misalnya, sebagai penganut Nasrani, saya percaya perintah Tuhan tentang tak boleh membunuh, dan sebagai politikus saya mengupayakan undang-undang yang melarang orang membunuh. Ini bukan berarti saya memaksakan keyakinan agama saya, melainkan memperjuangkan nilai moral yang mungkin diterima juga oleh pihak-pihak lain karena bersifat universal. Saya kira amat penting bagi umat Islam untuk merenungkan soal ini. Misalnya tentang syariah. Saya sadar tak semua agama punya pandangan yang sama tentang perannya dalam politik, tentang bagian mana dalam ajarannya yang layak diterapkan pada hukum sekuler. Tapi, kalau ada yang memaksakan ajarannya harus dijalankan oleh penganut agama atau kelompok lain, ini jelas bertentangan dengan semangat demokrasi dan lama-lama akan menyebabkan terjadinya instabilitas, bahkan perilaku destruktif di masyarakat. Ini adalah hal penting yang perlu diperdebatkan secara internal di kalangan penganut Islam.

Satu hal yang saya yakini, bila ada yang merasa dibenarkan oleh agamanya untuk membunuh orang lain, pasti ia telah keliru memahami ajaran agamanya. Saya kira ini adalah persoalan yang perdebatannya sudah selesai bagi kebanyakan orang, tapi masih ada kelompok amat kecil yang berpotensi destruktif.

Mengapa memilih Kairo untuk melontarkan pidato ini?
Saya pikir penting melakukannya di Kairo, karena sumber masalah utama hubungan Islam dan Amerika Serikat belakangan ini berada di kawasan Timur Tengah. Ini memang nyaris terkesan mencederai Indonesia, karena bukan hanya saya pribadi yang mengenal dekat budayanya. Adik tiri saya kelahiran Indonesia. Tapi, terus terang, hubungan Amerika Serikat dan Indonesia umumnya baik. Memang sempat melemah beberapa saat setelah perang Irak, tapi boleh dikatakan secara umum komunikasi kami baik. Kecenderungan saya adalah menghadapi masalah di sumbernya, bukan dengan menghindar. Dan dalam situasi sekarang ini, saya kira, sumber masalah dengan Amerika Serikat adalah dengan negara-negara di Timur Tengah.

Sebenarnya pidato Anda ditujukan kepada siapa? Kelompok ekstrem tampaknya tak menggubris.
Terutama kalangan muda dunia Islam. Kalau ada anak muda Islam, mungkin berusia 20 tahun, yang tersentuh ajakan saya, lalu memulai sebuah percakapan dengan teman sebaya atau orang tuanya, itu berarti pidato saya tak sia-sia. Mudah-mudahan perbincangan itu membuat mereka tak mudah direkrut kelompok ekstrem. Kelompok ekstrem memang bukan khalayak sasaran pidato saya.

Tidakkah ekspektasi terhadap Anda terlalu tinggi?
Saya sudah berusaha menjelaskan bahwa hanya satu pidato tak akan menyelesaikan masalah. Yang hendak saya lakukan adalah memulai sebuah perbincangan, bukan hanya antara saya dan masyarakat Islam, tapi di antara komunitas Islam sendiri, di antara masyarakat Amerika, juga di antara masyarakat Barat, yaitu bagaimana membicarakan masalah ini dengan jujur. Apa diagnosis terhadap problem yang ada? Mungkin perlu waktu lama untuk melakukan diagnosis, tapi tak mungkin melakukan penyembuhan tanpa diagnosis yang tepat. Saya tak berpikir beberapa masalah ini akan dapat diselesaikan dalam waktu singkat.

Apa perbedaan pendekatan pemerintahan Anda dibanding sebelumnya dalam upaya menyelesaikan masalah Palestina?
Saya kira terlalu prematur menjawabnya sekarang. Saya baru menyampaikan satu pidato tentang hal-hal prinsip saja, belum masuk ke pelaksanaannya. Perdana Menteri Netanyahu baru menjabat dua bulan, dan Presiden Mahmud Abbas, yang saya temui dua pekan lalu, sedang melakukan konsultasi dengan para pemimpin Arab. Masih harus didiskusikan sejauh mana kesediaan masing-masing pihak mencari penyelesaian. Ini adalah masalah sulit, dan tak boleh dianggap remeh. Apalagi masing-masing pihak memiliki persoalan politik yang juga pelik. Konflik ini sudah berjalan 60 tahun, tak mungkin diselesaikan dalam waktu singkat.

Adakah kerangka waktu dalam menyelesaikan kasus ini?
Saya tak mau memaksakan jadwal. Saya kira dapat dirasakan kapan perundingan mengalami kebuntuan dan kapan bergerak. Saat ini kebuntuan sudah terjadi untuk waktu cukup lama, maka perlu digerakkan kembali.

Bagaimana sikap Anda terhadap Hamas?
Telah saya sebutkan dalam pidato saya tadi bahwa tak dapat dimungkiri Hamas mempunyai dukungan di sebagian warga Palestina. Juga saya katakan, Hamas harus mulai memikul tanggung jawab jika ingin menjalankan pemerintahan. Hamas harus sadar, tak mungkin menjalankan pemerintahan tanpa mengakui eksistensi negara tetangganya, Israel. Menghilangkan Israel adalah sebuah ilusi. Kini Hamas harus memutuskan apakah hanya tertarik berbicara atau menghasilkan karya nyata. Jika memang serius, Hamas harus keluar dari jalan kekerasan dan mengakui hak hidup Israel. Jika ini dilakukan, masih banyak hal lain yang dapat dinegosiasikan. Maka pilihan sebenarnya berada di tangan Hamas.

Mungkinkah pemerintahan Anda menekan Perdana Menteri Netanyahu, mengingat kuatnya lobi Israel di Kongres Amerika Serikat?
Pertama, saya telah menjelaskan bahwa hubungan Amerika Serikat dan Israel amat kuat, tak mungkin putus, partai apa pun yang berkuasa di Kongres. Hubungan ini amat dalam, karena faktor budaya dan sejarah. Jadi jangan harap hubungan ini akan putus. Tentang Perdana Menteri Netanyahu, dia baru saja menyusun pemerintahan koalisi yang tak mudah, dan baru dua bulan menjabat. Saat ini, banyak warga Israel kehilangan kepercayaan terhadap proses negosiasi. Saya percaya Perdana Menteri Netanyahu akan menghidupkan kembali kepercayaan ini. Ingat kunjungan Nixon yang terkenal ke Cina? Karena Nixon dari Partai Republik yang dikenal antikomunis, ia dapat melakukannya. Hal ini susah dilakukan seorang presiden dari Partai Demokrat. Saya percaya Netanyahu dapat memainkan peran seperti yang dilakukan Nixon dulu. Paling tidak, berilah kesempatan beberapa bulan lagi sebelum menyatakan penyelesaian kasus Palestina pasti gagal.

Bagaimana sebenarnya sikap Anda tentang Iran?
Saya sudah menjelaskan soal ini di masa lalu, dan tetap konsisten. Adalah kepentingan Iran juga untuk mencegah terjadinya perlombaan memiliki nuklir di kawasan ini. Pendekatan saya adalah, mari membicarakan hal ini dan mencari solusi bersama. Tapi saya juga sadar tentang batasan waktu, tentang pentingnya masalah ini diselesaikan segera. Saya cenderung melakukan pendekatan diplomasi dalam menyelesaikan masalah, tapi tentu saya tak akan melakukan pembicaraan sekadar untuk bicara saja. Jika saya tak melihat ada kemajuan, tentu opsi lain dipertimbangkan demi menjaga kepentingan kami.

TEMPO Interaktif, 8 Juni 2009

Lika-Liku Tempo Bercakap dengan Obama di Kairo

"Sebentar lagi saya wawancara Barack Obama. Doakan sukses." Chief Corporate Editor Tempo Bambang Harymurti (BHM) mengirim surat elektronik itu menjelang berangkat ke Universitas Kairo, Mesir, Kamis pagi pekan lalu. Di universitas ini Obama berpidato tentang Amerika dan dunia Islam sepanjang hampir 55 menit.

Telah lama Tempo merencanakan wawancara dengan Obama, jauh sebelum ia merebut kursi Gedung Putih. Surat resmi telah dilayangkan, begitu pula lobi melalui Maya Soetoro, adik kandung Obama yang berdarah Indonesia. BHM pun berharap bertemu dengan sang Presiden ketika menghadiri pertemuan para penggiat demokrasi dari berbagai penjuru dunia di Washington, DC, bulan lalu. Tapi Obama membatalkan kedatangannya.

Pucuk dicita, tawaran wawancara justru tiba dari Departemen Luar Negeri Amerika. Minggu dua pekan lalu sekretaris pers Kedutaan Amerika memintanya terbang ke Kairo sebelum Kamis. Padahal semua penerbangan ke Kairo pada Rabu penuh. Itu berarti BHM harus mendapatkan visa Mesir dalam dua hari.

Duta Besar Mesir di Jakarta Ahmed El Kewaisny turun tangan. Pak Dubes yang bekas wartawan Al Ahram itu penasaran bagaimana Tempo bisa mendapatkan wawancara Obama di Kairo padahal ia cuma singgah sebentar. Wartawan Mesir saja masih berebut mewawancarainya.

Sebelum berangkat, BHM mengunjungi rumah yang pernah ditempati Obama di Menteng Dalam, Jakarta. Di sini Obama kecil dikenal sebagai anak berkulit hitam berambut kribo. Ketika itu Obama sering diolok-olok dengan panggilan "Barry Bebek Sawah", karena cara jalannya yang mirip bebek. BHM juga mengunjungi Sekolah Dasar Asisi, tempat Obama pernah bersekolah hampir tiga tahun.

Pembaca, dengan mereportase kembali jejak Obama di Jakarta dan menggali pemikirannya, seperti yang ia tuangkan dalam buku The Audacity of Hope, BHM membawa sejumlah pertanyaan. Di aula Universitas Kairo itulah BHM menyaksikan sang "Bebek Sawah" memukau sekitar 3.000 mahasiswa, termasuk puluhan mahasiswa Al-Azhar asal Indonesia. Tercatat sedikitnya 25 kali hadirin memberikan aplaus. Terdengar teriakan "I love you Obama" dua kali. Teriakan kedua lebih keras. Obama sampai menghentikan bicaranya sejenak untuk mengatakan "Thank you".

Lalu di meja bundar di sebelah aula universitas, Obama menjawab secara berturutan pertanyaan Wafa Amr (Al Quds, Palestina), Magdy el-Galad (Al-Masr Alyoum, Mesir), Nahum Barnea (Yedioth Ahronoth, Israel), BHM (Tempo, Indonesia), Shahanaaz Habib (The Star, Malaysia), Sarkis Naoum (An Nahar, Libanon), dan Jamal Kashoggi (Al Watan, Saudi).

BHM antara lain bertanya tentang rencana kunjungannya ke Indonesia. Sambil tertawa lebar Obama mengatakan, "Segera. Saya mau ke Menteng Dalam, makan bakso dan nasi goreng," katanya dalam bahasa Indonesia. Ia lalu menjelaskan apa itu Menteng Dalam, bakso, dan nasi goreng dalam bahasa Inggris kepada para wartawan yang lain.

Seusai wawancara selama 50 menit itu, Obama dan wartawan berfoto bersama. "Mari kita lakukan segera, supaya saya bisa melihat piramida," katanya. Sebagian wartawan pun minta tanda tangan Obama di nota catatan, bahkan di selembar kertas. BHM menyodorkan buku The Audacity of Hope.

Di Universitas Kairo itu, BHM harus mengejar tenggat penerbitan Koran Tempo yang sudah dekat. Ia pun segera lari ke media center di seberang jalan. Namun listrik di media center itu mati mendadak ketika laporan hampir dikirim. Celaka dua belas. Tulisan hilang. BHM pun segera kembali ke hotel untuk mengetik ulang. Direktur Utama PT Tempo Inti Media Tbk., perusahaan yang menerbitkan majalah ini, itu pun dengan susah payah menerobos pengamanan yang luar biasa ketat dan menumpang taksi yang ternyata membuatnya tersesat. Jerih payah dan perjuangan panjang itulah yang membuahkan laporan utama majalah Tempo kali ini. Bercakap dengan Obama di Kairo

Selamat membaca.

TEMPO Interaktif, 8 Juni 2009

President Barack Hussein Obama's speech at Cairo University

Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has had stood as a beacon of Islamic learning. And for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.

I'm grateful for your hospitality and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the good will of the American people and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu ‘alaykum.

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world, tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation but also conflict and religious wars.

More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims and a Cold War in which Muslim majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001, and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and western countries but also to human rights.

All this has bred more fear and more mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap and share common principles, principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.

But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other, to learn from each other, to respect one another, and to seek common ground.

As the Holy Quran tells us, Be conscious of God and speak always the truth.

That is what I will try to do today, to speak the truth as best I can. Humbled by the task before us and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

Now, part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian. But my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.

As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam at places like Al-Azhar that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's renaissance and enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities...

It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra, our magnetic compass and tools of navigation, our mastery of pens and printing, our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires, timeless poetry and cherished music, elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second president, John Adams, wrote,

The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims. And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.

They have fought in our wars. They have served in our government. They have stood for civil rights. They have started businesses. They have taught at our universities. They've excelled in our sports arenas. They've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building and lit the Olympic torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same holy Quran that one of our founding fathers, Thomas Jefferson, kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as president of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as...

Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire.

We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal. And we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words, within our borders and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture. Drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept, E pluribus unum: Out of many, one.

Now much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected president.

But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores. And that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.

So let there be no doubt...

... let there be no doubt, Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations: to live in peace and security, to get an education and to work with dignity, to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead. And if we understand that the challenges we face are shared and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.

When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.

That is what it means to share this world in the 21st Century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace, for human history has often been a record of nations and tribes, and, yes, religions subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.

Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership, our progress must be shared.

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite. We must face these tensions squarely. And so, in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not and never will be at war with Islam.

We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject, the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued Al Qaida and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice. We went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the offense of 9/11. But let us be clear. Al Qaida killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.

The victims were innocent men, women, and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaida chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.

These are not opinions to be debated. These are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake, we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.

We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths but, more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.

The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as it if has killed all mankind. And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.

The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism; it is an important part of promoting peace.

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.

That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.

Now, let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.

Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said, I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will be. Today America has a dual responsibility to help Iraq forge a better future and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.

I have made it clear to the Iraqi people...

I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no basis and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.

We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable. But in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.

We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States. And I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities, which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

Now, the second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well-known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries. And anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented holocaust. Tomorrow I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.

Six million Jews were killed, more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless. It is ignorant, and it is hateful.

Threatening Israel with destruction or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews is deeply wrong and only serves to evoke in the minds of the Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people, Muslims and Christians, have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years, they've endured the pain of dislocation.

Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations, large and small, that come with occupation.

So let there be no doubt, the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity and a state of their own.

For decades, then, there has been a stalemate. Two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers.

For Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history, from within its borders as well as beyond.

But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth. The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.

That is in Israel's interests, Palestine's interests, America's interests and the world's interests. And that's why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all of the patience and dedication that the task requires.

The obligations — the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them and all of us to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding.

This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia, to Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed, that's how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern with institutions that serve the needs of its people.

Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities, to play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.

This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security, neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank.

Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace. And Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

And, finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibility. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.

We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.

It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true. Too many tears have been shed, too much blood has been shed.

All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians could, can see their children grow up without fear, when the holy land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be, when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra — as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed — peace be upon them — joined in prayer.

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself, in part, by its opposition to my country. And there is, in fact, a tumultuous history between us.

In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known.

Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against but, rather, what future it wants to build.

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discussion between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect.

But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests.

It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

Now, I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nations should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.

And any nation, including Iran, should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty. And it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years. And much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear. No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.

Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.

But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed, confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice, government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people, the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas. They are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear. Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments, provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power. Once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.

So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power. You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion. You must respect the rights of minorities and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise. You must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.

Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom. Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia where devote Christians worshipped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.

That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.

This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive. But it's being challenged in many different ways. Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith.

The richness of religious diversity must be upheld, whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.

And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which people protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.

That's why I'm committed to work with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat. Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit, for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear.

We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretense of liberalism. In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.

That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations.

Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service so bridges between peoples lead to action, whether it is combating malaria in Africa or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.

I know, and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal. But I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality.

And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well- educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now let me be clear, issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead.

Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life and in countries around the world. I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.

Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity, men and women, to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal. And I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice.

That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim- majority country to support expanded literacy for girls and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home.

Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations, including America, this change can bring fear; fear that, because of modernity, we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly, our identities, those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.

In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.

Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century. And in too...

And in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America, in the past, has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we new seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand change programs and increase scholarships like the one that brought my father to America.

At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students are internships in America, invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world and create a new, online network so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new core of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim majority countries. And I will host a summit on entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations, and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim majority country and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops.

Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address, but we have a responsibility to join together to behalf of the world that we seek, a world where extremists no longer threaten our people and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes, a world where governments serve their citizens and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek.But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many, Muslim and non-Muslim, who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort, that we are fated to disagree and civilizations are doomed to clash.

Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith in every country. You more than anyone have the ability to reimagine the world, the remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart or whether we commit ourselves to an effort, a sustained effort to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is one rule that lies at the heart of every religion, that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.

This truth transcends nations and peoples, a belief that isn't new, that isn't black or white or brown, that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people. And it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Quran tells us, Mankind, we have created you male and a female. And we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.

The Talmud tells us, The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.

The Holy Bible tells us, Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God.

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much.

Thank you.

Obama Tantang Para Pelobi

Presiden Amerika Serikat Barack Obama menantang para pelobi yang mementingkan diri sendiri dan kelompoknya. Obama mengatakan tidak akan mundur dari pertarungan melawan kelompok kepentingan, yang selama ini diuntungkan berkat kedekatan mereka dengan Gedung Putih.

Obama menantang para pelobi dengan berdebat secara resmi, terutama saat penyusunan undang-undang tentang perubahan pembiayaan sistem kesehatan, energi, dan pendidikan.

Ada banyak pihak yang diuntungkan dengan kebijakan Gedung Putih selama ini, terutama kelompok-kelompok perusahaan karena mendapatkan kontrak-kontrak bisnis dari Gedung Putih. Namun, kontrak-kontrak bisnis itu merugikan keuangan negara dan merugikan rakyat.

Obama menegaskan bahwa semua itu harus diubah. ”Sistem yang kita miliki selama ini sudah menguntungkan para pelobi yang punya kekuatan besar dan hal ini sudah berlangsung lama. Namun, saat giliran saya, hal ini tidak bisa dibiarkan. Saya akan berjuang demi rakyat Amerika.”

Obama mencanangkan program stimulus ekonomi, penyelamatan perbankan, dan juga peningkatan anggaran untuk perbaikan sistem kesehatan agar terjangkau rakyat banyak. Obama juga mencanangkan peningkatan anggaran untuk perbaikan sistem pendidikan serta penyediaan dana jaring pengaman sosial bagi kaum papa Amerika.

Goyahkan parlemen
Semua rencananya itu akan ditata dalam bentuk undang-undang, yang menjadi pijakan Gedung Putih. Namun, para anggota Kongres AS mendapatkan tantangan dari para pelobi, yang ingin menggoyahkan anggota parlemen sehingga membatalkan niat Presiden Obama. Kubu Republik paling banyak menentang program Presiden Obama.

”Saya tahu langkah-langkah saya tidak berkenan di hati para kelompok kepentingan dan pelobi yang menerapkan bisnis gaya lama. Saya sadar, mereka akan mencanangkan sebuah perlawanan,” kata Presiden Obama.

Namun, Presiden Obama juga menjawab tegas dengan meniru ucapan terkenal dari pendahulunya, mantan Presiden George W Bush. ”Demikian juga halnya saya,” kata Presiden Obama, menegaskan bahwa dia pun tidak akan mundur dari ”perang” yang akan dilancarkan para pelobi.

Salah satu hal yang sudah umum diketahui adalah sebagian pelaku industri farmasi AS ingin meraup untung dengan membuat produk-produk baru berharga mahal. Hal ini membuat warga AS terpaksa membeli karena mereka tidak memiliki asuransi kesehatan dan tak memiliki pilihan lain.

KOMPAS, 1 Maret 2009

AS Belum Tentu Berubah

KONTRAS sekali menyaksikan sambutan ketika Condoleezza Rice dan Hillary Rodham Clinton berkunjung ke negeri ini. Sambutan publik dan media massa berbeda 180 derajat atas kehadiran Menteri Luar Negeri AS itu. Ketika Condy -panggilan Condoleeza- datang ke Jakarta dua tahun lalu, demo mengutuk berbagai kebijakan politik luar negeri AS marak. Tak hanya di Jakarta, demo juga meluas ke berbagai penjuru tanah air. Media pun menulis dengan sangat kritis dan sinis kehadiran Condoleezza. Misalnya, bagaimana pengamanan Condy oleh Marinir AS yang ekstraketat, seakan-akan Indonesia ini seperti medan perang di Iraq. Demo serta kritik keras dan tajam ini mencapai puncak saat Presiden AS (saat itu) George W. Bush berkunjung ke Indonesia. Tak ada masyarakat yang menyambut ramah, yang ada hanya amarah.

Berbeda dengan Hillary yang merupakan menteri luar negeri (Menlu) wanita ketiga di AS. Kedatangan Hillary disambut hangat dan ramah oleh masyarakat. Bahkan, Hillary juga menyediakan waktu untuk wawancara di salah satu stasiun TV dengan audiens sejumlah artis. Memang, ada demo menentang kehadiran istri mantan Presiden AS Bill Clinton ini, tapi eskalasinya tidak besar. Juga tidak sampai membuat aparat keamanan kerepotan mengamankan tamu negara ini. Media pun menulis cukup positif, sentimentil, dan memberi harapan besar bahwa wajah AS telah berubah.

Amerika Serikat di bawah kepemimpinan Barack Obama mencoba menggeser pendulum yang telah digerakkan selama delapan tahun oleh pendahulunya, George W. Bush. Apalagi -bagi warga Indonesia- ada romantisme karena Obama pernah mengenyam pendidikan sekolah dasar di Jakarta. Amerika yang selama hampir satu dekade ini dalam kacamata publik dianggap musuh, kini seakan-akan menjadi sahabat yang sangat dekat. Publik sepertinya merindukan, tak hanya kehadiran Hillary, tetapi juga Obama. Meskipun mungkin Obama tidak pernah berpikir sejauh dan seromantis itu tentang Indonesia.

Benarkah AS di bawah Obama akan berubah? Jangan berharap berlebihan. Memang beberapa langkah strategis telah diambil Obama, seperti penutupan kamp tahanan di Guantanamo, rencana penarikan pasukan AS dari Iraq, hingga upaya dialog untuk mengakhiri kebekuan diplomatik dengan Iran. Namun di sisi lain, Obama akan menambah pasukan di Afghanistan untuk menghancurkan basis Taliban. Juga belum tampak rencana kebijakan strategis dan konkret terkait konflik Israel-Palestina. Solusi dua negara memang menjadi rujukan kebijakan Obama dalam konflik Israel-Palestina ini. Namun, sikap keras menolak dialog dan tidak mengakui eksistensi Hamas (pun Hizbullah) hanya akan membuat harapan atas solusi damai Israel-Palestina menjadi angan-angan belaka.

Bagaimana posisi geopolitik Indonesia dalam platform kebijakan luar negeri AS? Sekali lagi, publik dan media di Indonesia -juga pemerintah- menaruh harapan yang terlalu berlebihan. Saat Hillary Clinton berpidato dalam salah satu forum, bagaimana media dan sejumlah pejabat pemerintah tampak sangat bergembira karena Hillary menyebut Indonesia sebagai mitra strategis untuk kepentingan politik luar negeri AS di Asia dan Pasifik. Namun, tak ada media dan pejabat yang memberikan komentar, mencoba menyimak pidato Hillary itu secara lengkap. Padahal, dalam pidato itu Hillary tidak mengulas Indonesia secara detail. Hanya menyebut arti penting dan strategis negara-negara di Asia seperti Jepang, China, Korea, Indonesia, dan beberapa negara lain. Jadi, Indonesia hanya disebut satu kata dalam deretan tengah di antara negara-negara lain yang juga disebut Hillary. Kita mungkin bertanya, apakah publik di Jepang atau China juga se-ge er ini mendengarkan pidato Hillary tadi.

Pemerintah Indonesia, sejak Orde Baru lahir, telah menjadi anak manis bagi AS. Bahkan, anak yang sangat manis. Kompensasinya jelas, bantuan ekonomi mengalir deras. Namun, di sisi lain, Amerika Serikat juga punya banyak kepentingan ekonomi yang nilainya jauh lebih besar dibanding bantuan dan pinjaman yang diberikan kepada pemerintah. Sayang pemerintah tidak mau memaparkan analisis cost and benefit dalam konteks hubungan ekonomi dengan AS ini.

Kepemimpinan Obama mungkin lebih baik daripada George W. Bush. Namun, Amerika tetaplah Amerika. Sebagai negeri adidaya, tata kelola ekonomi dan politik dunia harus tetap di bawah kendali mereka. Perdamaian memang menjadi tujuan, namun ingat ungkapan yang menyebutkan, "Jika ingin damai, berperanglah." Memang tidak lagi di Iraq, tetapi mungkin di Afghanistan, Iran, atau Korea Utara.

Jawa Pos, Jum'at, 20 Februari 2009